History

The American Revolution Comes to Albany, New York, 1756-1776

On Thursday, August 14, 2014, the Journal of the American Revolution posted "The American Revolution Comes to Albany, New York, 1756-1776." This article began as a conference paper, which came out of my dissertation. The Albanians' experiences with quartering will appear in much more detail in my future book AMERICA'S FIRST GATEWAY. I wrote "The American Revolution Comes to Albany" not only to share this great story with a wider audience, but also to experiment with how an historian could re-purpose their conference papers into other formats. I incorporated some of the feedback I received on my conference paper and added a bit of explanation for a non-specialist audience to this piece.

At some point I may repurpose the story of how Albany became revolutionary for an academic article--although I also like the idea about an article on loyalism in Albany.

Albany-map-1758-1050x700

The American Revolution Comes to Albany, New York, 1756-1776 

"The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world…He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation: For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us.”Declaration of Independence

On June 11, 1776, the Second Continental Congress appointed its Committee of Five to draft a declaration of independence from Great Britain. Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston composed a document that proclaimed why the thirteen colonies had no other recourse but to separate from the British Empire. They declared that “The history of the present King of Great Britain [George III] is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.” The committee added weight to the colonists’ claims by providing a long list of specific examples of the king’s injustices towards them. Among the enumerated grievances: King George III had given his “assent” “For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us.”

The colonists experienced the king’s unjust quartering throughout the French and Indian War (1754-1763). It all started when John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun assumed command of the British forces in 1755. Loudoun lamented how the British soldiers had lost the 1755 campaign to the French because his predecessor William Shirley could not find winter quarters for them near the front lines. Loudoun sought to rectify this situation by ordering the governors of Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania to erect barracks in Boston, New York City, Albany, and Philadelphia. The governors either refused or informed Loudoun that their colonial assembly would provide only some of the funds needed to build barracks or rent rooms in inns and public houses within those cities. Eventually, each city built at least some of the barracks Loudoun had demanded, but only in Albany, New York did Loudoun resort to forcibly quartering his troops in private homes.

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Representing and Resisting Violence: African Americans, North African "Pirates," & Violence in the Early Republic, SHEAR 2014

SHEARWelcome to part 1 of my recap of the 2014 Society for Historians of the Early American Republic conference. The conference took place in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania between July 17 and July 20.

 

“Representing and Resisting Violence: African Americans, North African “Pirates,” and Violence in the Early Republic”

Chair: James Brewer Stewart (Macalaster College)

Panelists:

Kathleen Kennedy (Missouri State University), “Trauma and Narratives of Slavery”

Kelly A. Ryan (Indiana University Southeast), “Seeking Justice: African American Resistance to Violence in the Northeast, 1780-1830”

Jason Zeledon (University of California-Santa Barbara), “American Manhood and the Barbary Pirates: Gender, Sodomy, and Women’s Rights during the Algerian Captivity Crisis”

Comment: Nikki Taylor (Texas Southern University, Houston)

 

Panel Summary

"Trauma and Narratives of Slavery"

Kathleen Kennedy explored how historians can use the narratives of slave men to explore the psychological trauma of slavery.

Kennedy began her paper with the story of Henry Bibb, a former slave who discussed being the father of slaves. Bibb fathered a daughter and swears that it will be the only child he ever fathers into slavery.

For Bibb the word “father” was “obnoxious.” Early American men defined their masculinity by their ability to provide for and protect their wives and children. Slave husbands and fathers could not protect their families because they had no rights over them; they had to watch while overseers and masters abused their wives and children.

Family of Slaves in Georgia 1850Kennedy contends that historians can use statements of grief by slave fathers to better understand slave grief and the violence of slavery. However, Kennedy warns that African-American writers did not always bear all in their narratives.

Former slaves like Henry “Box” Brown understood that their readers had expectations for what a slave narrative should read like. Readers expected to read about some of the blood and torture of slavery, but they did not want to read about the mental traumas that slavery inflicted. Therefore, writers like Brown could not represent the pain that they suffered as fathers—the pain of having to watch their wives and children beaten, raped, or sold.

Historians must also read slave narratives with an eye to what they do not say. Grief is the act of remembering while trauma is the act of forgetting. Trauma represents an inability to articulate true feelings, which is an endemic problem in all slave narratives.

Gender also played a role in how slaves experienced slavery and its traumas. Kennedy illustrated this point by examining the narratives of Harriet Jacobs and her brother James. Harriet discussed how she was not allowed to attend the funeral of her father Elijah. She remembered him as a man who taught her dignity. On the other hand, James describes Elijah as a man, but not a man. Elijah Jacobs had no authority. James Jacobs’ narrative also shows how enslaved men struggled with their conceptions of manhood.

Kennedy opted to skip over how enslaved people thought of their white fathers in order to use her last few minutes to discuss how enslaved men saw their role as fathers. Kennedy has found that slave men often talked about their decision not to become fathers or how they lived as fathers without authority; fatherhood brought slave men great joy, but this joy was tempered with great anxiety.

Former slave writers spoke about their children because they wanted their audience to know that they loved them. Today, the notion of parental love seems obvious, but in the 1840s and 1850s, these former slaves needed to make that point clear: To love is to be human.

Kennedy concluded her paper with a problem: Historians need to figure out whether slave men were really men. She suggested that we need to look for something other then progressive narratives because the trauma of slavery continued into the former slaves’ freedom. Freedom was not a happy ending, there was no happy ending to slavery. She suggests accounting as a way that historians might be able to better account for the trauma and grief.

 

"Seeking Justice: African American Resistance to Violence in the Northeast, 1780-1830"

LadyJusticeImageKelly A. Ryan: African Americans used the judiciary to advocate for their safety and security and to lay claim to, promote, and defend their rights as citizens.

Ryan contends that her investigation reveals another aspect of the burgeoning civil rights movement that emerged after the Civil War.

Ryan acknowledged the difficulties of investigating African American use of the judicial system. Many crimes went unreported and it can be hard for historians to identify race in legal records. With that said, Ryan has found many cases where African Americans brought suit against white defendants or cases where white plaintiffs brought suits against other whites for the injustices they perpetrated against African Americans.

African Americans wanted to bear witness in court. The act of testifying gave blacks a sense of their citizenship rights and as such they wanted to appear as respectable witnesses, especially against whites. Ryan reminded the audience that African-American witnesses faced ramifications for their testimony. White defendants or their friends might retaliate against black witnesses and their families.

Ryan found that whites played an important role in African-American court cases, especially in lawsuits brought to the court by African-American defendants. In many cases, the indictment records kept only white testimony. In some places blacks could not bring suits in their own names, so whites had to bring them to court on their behalf. This made it important for African Americans to identify white allies; African Americans were fully aware of the world they lived in and the reality of its discriminations.

 

"American Manhood and the Barbary Pirates: Gender, Sodomy, and Women's Rights during the Algerian Captivity Crisis"

Barbary PirateJason Zeledon contends that the legacy of the Barbary Conflict extends well beyond the various military skirmishes. The conflict shaped the way Americans saw themselves and North Africa.

Zeledon’s paper focused on 2 key ways that the Barbary Conflicts shaped American identity:

First, the conflict shaped and hindered the women’s rights movement in the United States.

Second, literature about the Barbary states shaped the United States’ diplomatic response to the conflict.

American literature about the Barbary states and captivity narratives portrayed Algerian men as sexually adventurous, men who preferred having sex with other men. This meant that American sailors not only faced hard, manual labor, but sexual abuse and exploitation if captured by the pirates.

The American view of Algerian men as “sexually adventurous” also led Americans to believe that the pirates could be defeated easily because Algerian men were lazy and inferior to American men.

American literature about the Barbary Conflict also hindered the American women’s rights movement.

American narratives about Algerians described Algerian men as cruel and abusive toward Algerian women. Algerian men never allowed their women to eat with them because they felt them inferior. They also believed that women lacked souls.

When American men read these narratives they praised their treatment of their American wives and daughters. Therefore, American men saw no need to help women promote their rights; compared to Algerian women, American women had a lot of rights and freedom.

 

Panel Comment

Nikki Taylor offered the official comment for the papers. She stated that the 3 papers raised many points that historians need to consider.

Kathleen Kennedy’s work shows us that we often try to define black manhood in terms of white manhood. White manhood does not adequately define or explain black manhood during the period of slavery. Taylor would like to see historians expand their definitions of manhood so we can more accurately describe the masculinity of African American slave men .

Kelly A. Ryan’s work illuminates the new study of African-American criminality. Taylor would like Ryan and other historians who work in this new field to answer several questions: 1. What triggered anti-black collisions where whites attacked blacks? 2. To what extent did African Americans experience success in their use of the justice system? 3. Who were the white witnesses? Why did they stand up for their black neighbors? Were they really black allies? And did they lose some of their whiteness by standing up for blacks?

Jason Zeledon raises excellent points about how early Americans perceived Algerian men and women. However, Taylor wants Zeledon to think more about the gendered natures of Barbary Warfare rhetoric. Specifically, Taylor asked Zeledon to consider how stereotypes are constructed and to do more to illustrate his thesis about women’s rights.

 

ThinkWhat Do You Think?

What do you think are the most interesting points raised by these papers?

 

Silas Deane, Forgotten Patriot

Silas_DeaneSilas Deane assisted the Patriot cause as a representative to the First and Second Continental Congresses, as a mastermind behind the Patriot capture of Fort Ticonderoga (May 10, 1775), and as Congress' first envoy to France. While in France, Deane purchased and shipped supplies for the Continental Army. He also helped the United States stay on good terms with the French crown.

Deane's supplies played a large role in the Patriot victory at the Battle of Saratoga (1777). His  good relationship with Foreign Minister Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes helped to persuade France to join the war on the behalf of the United States.

Silas Deane's efforts made the Franco-American alliance a reality and yet few outside of Connecticut know who he was.

My latest article for the Journal of the American Revolution provides an overview of the extraordinary life of Silas Deane.

Here's a taste:

Silas Deane assisted the Patriot cause as a congressman, merchant, and diplomat. In 1776, Deane undertook a mission to France as the Patriots’ official, unofficial envoy. Officially, Deane arrived in Paris to conduct business as a private merchant. Unofficially, the Second Continental Congress had tasked Deane with securing supplies for the army and presents for Native American peoples. Congress also asked Deane to make contact with King Louis XVI’s Foreign Minister, Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes to determine whether France would recognize the colonies as an independent nation.

Silas Deane fulfilled all of the tasks Congress asked of him. His good relations with Vergennes kept France interested in the American cause. His success in acquiring and shipping war materiel to the Continental Army made the Patriot victory at Saratoga possible. And yet, Silas Deane stands in the shadows of early American history, victim of the jealousy and paranoia that pervaded Congress and took hold of other Patriot officials.

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Colonial Printing Press 101

printingpressHave you ever operated an 18th-century printing press? On June 30, 2014, I took a couple of friends around Boston’s Freedom Trail. We stopped in the Printing Office of Edes & Gill, a recreation of the printing office where Benjamin Edes and John Gill printed The Boston Gazette and Country Journal between 1755 and 1798.

In this post you will learn about the colonial printing press and what it was like to print a copy of the Declaration of Independence on one.

 

Brief Overview of Colonial Printing

Reverend Joseph Glover brought the first printing press to English North America in 1638. After Glover died enroute to Massachusetts Bay, his widow Elizabeth Glover inherited his press and established a print shop in Cambridge, Massachusetts Bay. Glover's indentured servant Stephen Daye operated the press on her behalf.

Scholars believe The Freeman’s Oath broadside was the first tract printed in English North America.

By 1777, the 13 British North American colonies had nearly 100 master printers living in 25 towns.

 

How the Colonial Printing Press Worked: An Overview

Composition

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERAA printer uses a composition stick to place the letters of his text in the order he wishes them to appear.

He places the stick in his left hand and picks up type from his cases with his right hand. As the printer has memorized the location of all the characters in his type chests, he does not look at the letters as he places them in his stick. Instead, he relies on feel and memorization to guide him through the composition stage.

The printer must compose his text upside down and backwards (right-to-left) so that it will appear right-side-up and left-to-right on the printed page.

The printer composes his text one line at a time. After he has composed his line, he sets the type in a large tray known as a galley. The galley allows the printer to view several lines of text at once and to correct any mistakes he made when composing his lines.

After the printer is satisfied with his composition, he moves his type from the galley into an iron frame known as a chase. He places wedges and fillers in this frame to tighten it up before he places the form on to his press.

Pressing

Printing Press Labeled 1The printer inks his type with an oil-based ink. He applies the ink evenly across his type with inking balls.

After he applies the ink, the printer attaches a damp piece of paper to the tympan, or the part of the press that folds over the type. A frame called the “frisket” holds the paper in place on the tympan.

The printer folds the tympan over the type. Once folded, the printer refers to the paper-over-type combination as the “coffin.”

The printer turns a handle on the side of the press to bring the type and paper (the coffin) under the press platen or stone.

The printer pulls the bar (the Devil’s Tail) connected to the platen to apply pressure evenly across the coffin. Depending on the press and the type he has set, the printer may have to move his coffin under the platen several times. Once he is satisfied that all parts of the coffin have been pressed, he pulls it out from under the platen and removes his printed page.

Printing Press Labeled 2

Liz the Printer

On June 30, 2014, the recreated print shop of Edes & Gill had set the type of its printing press to print copies of the Declaration of Independence.

After the informative talk where I learned how printers ran their shops and used their presses, I asked to purchase one of the freshly printed copies of the Declaration.

Liz the PrinterThe interpreter must have sensed that a “history geek” stood in his presence because he asked me if I wanted to print my own copy.

I said “yes” without any hesitation.

With the type set, I rolled the two ink balls in the oil-based ink on the inking block. The ink proved very sticky, which the printer attributed to the air conditioned room.

Once I coated the balls, I rolled them together to make sure I spread the ink over them evenly.

I took the ink balls and inked the press. As you can see from the picture, I took the job of coating all parts of the type seriously.

As I inked the type, the printer placed my damp paper on the tympan and secured it with the frisket.

I took the liberty of forming the coffin, which I then cranked under the platen.

I used the “Devils Tail” to evenly apply pressure to the coffin.

I performed the tasks of a printer perfectly until I opened the coffin and dropped my Declaration on the type. (A rookie mistake.)

Regardless, I am pleased with my slightly flawed copy of the Declaration of Independence.

Declaration

Share Your Story

What experiences have you undertaken in an effort to better understand the history you study and love?

 

*Labeled press pictures courtesy of Common-Place Object Lessons by Jeffery D. Groves

 

Mormonism and the Empire State

Joseph_smithBetween June 11 and June 14, 2014, I attended the 35th Annual Conference on New York State History.

In addition to presenting a paper entitled “Memory, Community, Loyalty: Albany, New York during the American Revolution, 1763-1776,” I attended the conference as an interested scholar of New York State History.

Here is a recap I wrote of an interesting panel called “Mormonism and the Empire State.”

The post appeared on John Fea’s blog “The Way of Improvement Leads Home” on Thursday June 19, 2014.

On Friday, June 13, 2014, Gerrit Dirkmaat (Joseph Smith Papers Project) and Michael Hubbard MacKay (Brigham Young University) presented “Mormonism and the Empire State,” a panel at the 35th Annual Conference on New York State History. Together these scholars analyzed Joseph Smith’s interaction with the scholarly and print culture of 1830s New York to demonstrate the connection Mormonism has with the state.

Michael Hubbard MacKay argued that Mormonism was “ensconced” in New York culture because Joseph Smith connected the religion with the state’s scholarly community. The Mormon tradition holds that in 1823, an angel visited Smith and directed him to a stone box buried on a hill near his Manchester, New York home. Inside the box, Smith found golden plates. The plates contained many cuneiform-looking characters. As the angel instructed Smith not to show the tablets to anyone, Smith kept the plates hidden and transcribed their symbols on to paper.

The symbols on the golden plates formed the basis of the Book of Mormon. However, neither Smith nor anyone else could understand what the Book of Mormon said until they deciphered the characters. Smith sought translational assistance from scholars around New York State.

A letter from Joseph Knight Sr. shows that Smith wanted a learned man to translate the symbols from the plates. Smith’s mother, Lucy Mack Smith, confirms this idea when she wrote that her son transcribed the “characters Alphabetically and sen[t] them to all the learned men that he could find and ask[ed] them for the translation of the same.” Smith worked with his friend and follower Martin Harris of Palmyra, New York to find a scholar who could help them.

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